Tuesday, April 28, 2015

Unit 4 Final

Image result for tamir riceOn November 22, 2014, a 12-year-old boy, Tamir Rice, was shot twice and killed by 26-year-old police officer Timothy Loehmann after reaching into his waistband for what appeared to be a firearm. Loehmann along with fellow officer Frank Garmback were responding to a police dispatch call in which someone stated that a male was pointing a pistol at random people in the Cudell Recreation Center in Cleveland Ohio. During the dispatch call, the person calling stated that the pistol was “probably fake” and that the male was “probably a juvenile.” The situation dictated a for split second reaction and although the choice made by officer Loehmann was considered to be the right one by many, the entire situation should have been avoided due to the fact that officer Loehmann should not have been a police officer as he was mentally unfit for duty. “In a November 2012 memo, Deputy Chief Jim Polak recommended that Loehmann be dismissed. He questioned Loehmann's ability to follow instructions and to make good decisions in stressful situations. He cited a report from a firearms instructor who said Loehmann showed up for training "distracted," "weepy" and unable to "communicate clear thoughts," as a result of which "his handgun performance was dismal. The report described Loehmann as in an "emotional meltdown." (Johnson, NBC News) If this was the case then why is it that this man was allowed to remain a police officer? Every day around the country police officers are required to make split second life or death decisions; decisions that require the officers to be in peak, disease free mental condition. Various methods and tests are used to determine if police officers are mentally fit for duty, so innocent lives like Tamir Rice may not be lost again in the future, but these methods are considered lacking and in need of change by many. Michelle A. Travis, a professor of law, “concludes not only that the tests are unreliable, but also that their use in employment decisions may violate the “Americans with Disabilities Act by targeting a mental disability.” On the other side of the spectrum Robert Mills, assistant professor in Department of Psychology and Psychiatry at the University of Cincinnati, Robert Mcdevitt, a practicing psychiatrist in Cincinnati Ohio, and Sandra Tonkin, a graduate assistant in the Department of Psychology at the University of Cincinnati, all claim that “the emphasis upon care in initial selection reflects recognition of the critical and complex demands placed upon the modern metropolitan police officer.” Scholars from both disciplines, law and psychology, speak on the need for the revision and renewal of methods and tests used to discern whether or not an officer is fit for duty through the use of particular ethos, specific writing styles, and differentiated approaches related to their fields. Michelle Travis uses a somewhat formal approach with logos and pathos as her driving appeal, stating clear statistical evidence and intertwining it with legal jargon and court cases that support her arguments. Travis in her article “Psychological Health Tests for Violence-Prone Police Officers: Objectives, Shortcomings, and Alternatives” (Travis,1994) proposes that the problem lies in the screening process of police officers itself. She suggests that instead of using mental health resources to predict future behavior, self-proposed alternatives should be used to change the behavioral patterns and situational factors that produce violence and that mental health professionals openly admit to not being able to predict future behaviors. On the contrary, Robert Mills et al. (1966) in their article “Situational Tests in Metropolitan Police Recruit Selection” (Mills et al., 1996) claim that tests can be clear indicators for future behavior but that sole reliance upon pencil on paper intelligence-type tests leave much to be desired. Through the use of ethos, logos, and excessive knowledge on situational testing the authors give concise numerical evidence to provide alternatives and why those alternatives may be more successful than their predecessors. To come to a truly successful solution to the problem of police screenings for mental readiness for duty one must look at both disciplines for a complete understanding since both sides provide important information, insight, and perspectives on the topic. A mixture of both the differing and shared opinions on the topic provide for a complete outlook and best hope for a solution.







Image result for psychological testConsidering the large contrast in the two disciplines, law and psychology, the rate at which the general solutions to the problem coincide with one another is surprising. Both disciplines explicitly state the lack of evidence for success and obvious inadequacy of the current screenings of mental readiness for police officers. At the beginning of their respective articles, both Travis and Mills et al. (1966) speak on the increasing trend of psychological tests being used in police departments. Travis notes the major increase by stating that in 1955 only fourteen cities in the United States with populations over 100,000 had officially adopted psychological testing as part of their processes for hiring police but by 1990 “the trend had accelerated dramatically” with 64 percent of state police departments and 73 percent of municipal police departments requiring their incoming candidates to undergo at least one psychological test. Mills et al. (1996) address this trend when they speak on findings from “a survey of assessment procedures used in 55 cities having populations greater than 150,000 which revealed that all cities utilized some type of psychological test(s).” Analyzation of 12 typical “police aptitude” tests showed them to be little more than “unstandardized intelligence tests” which is clearly a problem since being a police officer requires much more than “simple intelligence.” With the clear increasing trend of psychological testing for police screenings the increasing need for these tests to be efficient and successful is becoming more and more apparent. If these tests are not successful in screening out those unfit for duty then how many more civilians like Tamir Rice are put into harm’s way as opposed to if the tests were successful? If the answer is even one then that is too many; police officers exist to protect the people and if they are not fit to do so then they should not even be considered for a job in law enforcement. Although it is understood that a screening process with a 100 percent success rate may be impossible and that even if it were police officers may make the wrong decisions under stress, the use of effective testing is integral in the overall safety and wellbeing of police officers and the citizens they strive to protect. Both Travis and Mills et al. (1996) use mainly logos to provide themselves and their arguments with validity. Travis does this by referencing court cases and laws that back up her argument while Mills et al. (1996) uses empirical evidence such as questionnaires, surveys, and interviews given to officers to show their effectiveness or lack thereof. Both use research techniques relevant to their field to procure the best possible solution to the given problem. For the absolute best solution to be found, research methods from both disciplines must be combined to provide the greatest possible overview of all aspects of the problem and viable and hopefully successful solutions.
The differences in how these two disciplines approach the problem and ultimately what they suggest as a solution are painstakingly clear. Travis argues the lack of efficiency of the current psychological tests stating that “because these psychological tests currently lack consistent scientific support and may violate the ADA, they are inadequate and for now inappropriate solution for reducing police brutality.” Travis not only speaks on the inadequacy of the tests but also on the violation of the American Disability Act that these tests may be infringing upon. Coming from a legal discipline this is to be expected but it is also completely lacking from the argument made by Mills et al. Mills et al. (1996) on the other hand speaks on the lack of efficiency that these tests provide by claiming that they do not cover a large enough range of dimensions; stating “critical motivational-emotional-personality dimensions are untapped. This differing in opinion is the most notable due to the fact that one discipline downplays the solution that the other proposes. Travis wishes to do away with psychological testing for police screening claiming that mental health professionals cannot predict future behavior while Mills et al. (1996) wishes to add dimensions to preexisting tests in order to better predict the future behavior of officers. The appeals both disciplines use also vary. While they both use logos, only Travis uses a pronounced amount of pathos when she cites multiple occasions of seemingly unfit police officers engaging in activity that leads to the innocent death of civilians, such as Tamir Rice. By doing this, she seeks to ignite feelings of abhorrence in the reader in hopes that they see the need for change as she does and may even do something about it as she is attempting to. Travis’ use of pathos shows that her purpose for writing the article was to not only give a solution to a problem but also to push for the implementation of that solution while Mills et al. (1996) were writing more to inform than to push for a change of any sorts.

Although the findings from these two disciplines provide differing solutions to the same problem, they provide a clear-cut and evident need for the improvement or reconstruction of police screening policy and testing. They do this by addressing the exigency of the problem through research best suited for their respective disciplines. While Travis pushes for change using emotion, statistics, and laws and Mills et al. provides an unemotional informative approach, they both provide information necessary to address the problem fully and to devise a solution that would be fitting across all scholarly disciplines.














Works Cited


  • Johnson, Alex M. "Officer Who Killed Tamir Rice Found Unfit in Previous Police Job." NBC News. N.p., 4 Dec. 2014. Web. 24 Apr. 2015.

  • Travis, Michelle A. "Psychological Health Tests for Violence-Prone Police Officers: Objectives, Shortcomings, and Alternatives." Stanford Law Review 46.6 (1994): 1717-1770. Web.

  • Mills, Robert B., Robert J. Mcdevitt, and Sandra Tonkin. "Situational Tests in Metropolitan Police Recruit Selection."The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science 57.1 (1966): 99-106. Web. 25 Apr. 2015.

Monday, April 27, 2015

Globalisation: The Economist vs. The Communicationist

Globalisation affects individuals from all different walks of life. Anyone reading this article at any given moment has been touched in some fashion by the prowess of globalisation. Of course, as anything in this great, big, interconnected world we live in, globalisation is approached very differently by scholars from distinct disciplines. The manner in which these different disciplines regard this touchy topic through their selection of style and diction is itself very particular. Many of the flagship arguments for and against globalisation are economic factors and cultural factors; thus, to no surprise, we shall explore the mannerisms implored upon by an economist and a communicationist. Other factors are at play here, such as whether the authors of the articles believe that the rapid expansion of money, goods, and ideas is beneficial or detrimental to the global atmosphere, but we will focus here on how the research taken on by the overall study goes about exploring the ups and downs of globalisation.

The economist preaching the effects of globalisation focuses on the gap between the global rich and the global poor. This economist is Ash Amin, a professor at the University of Cambridge specialising in international political economy. His focus the last few years has been on the ethnography of the social economy in the United Kingdom with much emphasis on urban networks and racial integration. He views race and culture as working hand-in-hand through the development of biopolitics, a system of ideologies that assert that one’s biological background as well as their growing environment contribute greatly to one’s quality of life in a political landscape dominated by a majority. He ties these beliefs into his research found in the Transactions journal, under the article “Regulating economic globalization.” Here, as stated earlier, he explores how the global rich and global poor are linked together through the systematic disparity created by neo-liberalism. He points to an emerging global order with plans of reducing global poverty and inequality. Amin believes this rise in underrepresentation is due to international agreements geared to benefit Western nations and corporations which benefit greatly from exploiting nations and peoples past their core organization. Without hesitation, he seeks alternatives to this corrupt system of dealing with minorities and individuals whose voices are not heard among the globally powerful.

The economist, Amin, employs several distinct methods to deliver his point. His passive attacks on big corporations and massive economic expansion of global goods draws the conclusions that he is moderately against the growth of the free market. Going into talks of sexism and racism through the acts of globalisation, Amin makes the resounding observation that the global poor is typically made up of the very same group that allows a nation-state to continue living - the working class. The nations in which this occurs sees a great deal of social stratification where minorities are sent to live in slums only to lend more power to the more affluent majority. He cries out that the same can be seen in our own soil, the United States, as well as in the United Kingdom - but definitely not to the same degree as seen in developing countries. However, when we strafe toward the article drafted by the communicationist, we get a different tone in how globalisation affects international communities.

The second article in consideration for its stance on globalisation is that of Marwan M. Kraidy, a director for Advanced Research in Global Communication at the University of Pennsylvania. His research focuses on studies on global media and transnational communication and has commentated on massive international media outlets such as the National Public Radio and other major outlets in the United States and Middle East. He uses media to stress his point of cultural hybridisation where cultures fuse with each other to create a homogeneous, shared culture among global individuals exercising the benefits of globalisation, such as the exchange of goods and ideas. He touches on how hybridity has influenced theory, culture, and communication since the eighteenth century by exercising the vigour of imperialism through colonised peoples. Even today, in an era where the majority of nations do not occupy territories as colonies, hybridisation greatly occurs thanks to the mass expansion of corporations seeking to make a profit through localising their services; this is known as neo-colonial occurrences. Doing this creates a more local culture spawning from the host society; an example can be seen through McDonald’s implementation of local alimentation in their menu options for those same communities. Kraidy argues here that this systematic treatment of hybridity has allowed globalisation to become a large yet fragmented process.

The critiques for hybridity are all too obvious and Kraidy makes it clear to point them out. This homogenisation of cultures has led many to label these actions as a pervasive technique used by the globally privileged. In retrospect, power holders neutralise differences by hybridising their cultures with their subject’s. Altogether, this spells a corrupt network of culturally fuelled ideas intended solely for the gain of the imposer. This tends to create a “lure of the West” and changes once unique and distinguished societies into clones of Western capitalism. In totality, Kraidy manages to qualify hybridity in a conservative and victimised tone only to highlight the criticisms and pitfalls of such a systematic control over societies. He argues that more work needs to be accomplished as far as contextualising hybridity and labelling the inner workings of the transnational powers that allow for no-power zones to be found in cultural mixtures.

As evidenced, both these articles present the tough and altering outcomes of globalisation. With it, both authors also present how globalisation has helped move the global mindset forward while maintaining localised ideals intact. However, both go about this procedure very differently. The economist viewpoint comes more from a political and “money centred” perspective, whereas the communication viewpoint focuses more on the history and “cultural aspects” of globalisation. Amin’s article indulges itself with the disparity between the socioeconomic classes of societies affected by globalisation while Kraidy’s article seeks to define hybridity as a concept to subject minorities into becoming one with the larger, more powerful culture. In totality, both articles go about their arguments very differently and the rhetoric imposed upon each to deliver these arguments vary vastly.

This excerpt from the economist article gives a lending hand as to how this argument wishes to appeal to the audience: “...a shameful catalogue of woe marked by escalating early mortality, child labour, prostitution, disease and malnutrition.” Pathos, an appeal to evoke pity for those affected by these conditions. Amin implements such language throughout his whole article, never truly failing at making his audience see just how many atrocities can be done against the underrepresented in the name of wealth and gluttony. At another point of his article, Amin gives globalisation a human face, literally, by outlining how social liberalism allows for the social responsibility to protect those falling under the weight of other’s expansionist agendas. In this section, he gives high praise to these social reforms in the market as he argues, alongside a colleague, that a new order must be set to give way for “people’s equal moral worth, their active agency and what is required for their autonomy and development.” Amin makes great use of ethos in this section of his article as well as he gives a clear cut and ethical solution to the outstanding problem. The interaction of these two appeals allows for the economist’s argument to intensify the disparity and need of action between the global rich and global poor.

Where the economist uses pathos, the communicationist uses logos to quantify the data behind hybridisation among cultural globalisation. Kraidy discusses possible racism behind the Hollywood box office as producers attempt to project international revenue based on cold calculations, he finds that racism is rampant as the majority of “Star Power” and high ratings are given to white actors and actresses. This comes to show that hybridity becomes a dealing of corporate multiculturalism as soon as it falls in the hands of greed and discriminatory action. This appeal to logos is undeniably discomforting, but the ethos that grows upon the critiques of hybridisation follows suit. “The use of hybridity is that it is a form of self-indulgence by diasporic intellectuals who have the cultural and economic resources that allow them to spend time and effort theorizing,” this implies that too much dwelling over hybridisation leads to more global stratification. Truly, once you gain too much hybridity, these researchers leave all the old problems of social inequality, racism, and discrimination all together unsolved. The ethos behind this is simple - there is no clear point to dwell on the unresolved when no one is taking actual action to resolve it. I admire Kraidy’s use of this as it shows that he is not afraid to point out the flaws in communication.

Going back to the economist’s argument, we see how the article is rightfully centred on the flow of money throughout the world. However, it paints an easy solution for the regulation of microeconomics as a tool to regulate the larger corporations, in turn, macroeconomics. By nit-picking the tools of how corporations can “[hide] the inscriptions of small things and embodied conventions,” Amin manages to pull together the point that the global poor can be aided through exposing all the atrocities committed by the global rich and making sure to regulate from the bottom-up. This, of course, goes against what the communicationist’s argument begs to accomplish: study and shape hybridisation to fit in the local sense rather than imposing the grander, Western sense. Hence, in Kraidy’s case, regulate the spread of globalisation top-down to ensure the safe-keeping of the cultures which hybridisation effects. I personally see both methods as having their benefits, each paying great tribute to the disciplines they respectively hail from. However, it must be noted that to harbour healthy living in areas stricken by pervasive globalisation, the societies imposing themselves - that is, the West - must reach out with swifter strides to truly accomplish change.

The rhetorical devices utilised throughout these articles allow for a synchronisation of information from the discipline, to the researcher, and finally, to the audience. The two disciplines studied, economy and communication, utilise powerful techniques in efforts to deliver the main idea. One stresses that globalisation fosters great disparity among the social classes while the other argues that hybridisation has homogenised cultures to become like subjects. Both articles sum up to arguing that globalisation has deteriorated global cultures and economies, and something must be done about that.
Works Cited

Amin, Ash. "Regulating Economic Globalization." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 29.2 (2004): 217-233. Web.

Kraidy, Marwan M. "Hybridity in Cultural Globalization." Communication Theory 12.3 (2002): 316-339. Web.

Sunday, April 26, 2015

Comparative Rhetorical Analysis: Illegal Music Downloading

Broke college students are always looking for two things: ways to save money and music. It only makes sense that the largest illegal music downloading demographic is teenagers and young adults. When students are putting together their last three quarters to get something out of the vending machine, how can they be expected to pay $1.29 for one song? While less than 1 in 10 teenagers believe illegal music downloading is wrong, researchers in the psychology and marketing disciplines think otherwise (Barna). The psychology discipline studies the anticipated guilt and general emotions people feel towards illegal music downloading in the article, “The Immorality of Illegal Downloading: the Role of Anticipated Guilt and General Emotions,” by Xiao Wang and Steven R. McClung. The marketing discipline takes a different approach and studies people’s reactions to the marketing of music and artists and how it influences a person’s decision on whether to purchase or illegally download music in the article, “The Purchase Versus Illegal Download of Music by Consumers: the Influence of Consumer Response Towards the Artist and Music,” by Jean-Francois Ouellet. While both sources overlap in some ways in their explanations of illegal music downloading and the consumer, McClung and Wang’s article uses formal language, third person, a more rigid outline, and more experimental knowledge to prove its hypothesis, while Ouellet’s article uses simpler language, first person, a more relaxed and detailed layout, and more background research to prove its hypothesis. While these articles differ in certain ways, it is important for the audience to understand both articles, as they compliment each other with their implications and could be used together to conduct further research.

 

The first rhetorical difference between the articles is the type of language they use. Wang and McClung’s article uses a more formal type of language since they’re from a social science: psychology. The use of formal language occurs everywhere in the paper, whether its in the introduction, like in the sentence, “Nevertheless, to minimize the potential economic losses, the recording and motion pictures industries have attempted to encourage legal downloading and discourage illegal file-sharing through educational marketing campaigns, providing legal and less expensive alternatives to high priced authentic copies, and waging lawsuits against various websites and individual file sharers,” or especially when reporting the results of their experiment, when they use language such as, “The two comparisons were statistically significant based on independent-samples t tests, t(464.07) = −7.42, p < .001 and t(545) = 7.15, p < .001, respectively” (McClung and Wang). The use of this proper, academic language allows the authors to be seen in a thoughtful light by their peers, and allows the social science audience to better understand the goals of their experiment and the results. Ouellet’s article uses a simpler, less official language since they are speaking from a business standpoint. Their use of familiar language is consistent throughout the entire paper, in sentences such as, “Although certain artists’ albums sell very well and suffer little damage from online piracy (for example, the albums of Star Académie in Quebec), the works of other artists, although they are aimed at the same consumer, rarely break even because of illegal file sharing” (Ouellet). The use of familiar language is a good fit for the marketing discipline, because the aim of “marketing” (the actual act), is meant to be fast-paced. By using a straightforward, no-nonsense style, they allow the people of the marketing discipline the best way to understand their research.

In regards to language and style, authors from both articles also use a different point of view that serves their discipline appropirately. McClung and Wang’s article uses a neutral third person point of view which adds to their formal style. They illustrate this point of view in sentences such as, “On the other hand, we also believe that there is variance in the perceptions of anticipated guilt among those who never downloaded or who downloaded a long time ago” (McClung and Wang). The use of the words, “we”, “they”, and “the [subject]”, indicates that this a more scientific article, and that their audience will be expecting a proper style to their research. If this article had been written from a different point of view, it may not have been regarded in the same manner as other scientific articles, and it wouldn’t have the same effect it does now. Ouellet’s article uses a mixture of first person and third person. This is demonstrated in sentences such as, “Subsequently, I discuss the qualitative methods used to understand the process of evaluating music as well as the results of this preliminary research,” for the first person point of view, and, “The results of the CFA indicate that items pertaining to the artists consisted of 6 types of responses, whereas items pertaining to the music comprised 8 response types,” for the third person point of view (Ouellet). The mixture of these two points of view aid the article in creating a more presentational type of writing, which would be used in a business setting, especially during a meeting. This assists the audience of this article, since they are from a business background and are used to this type of language in their everyday lives. If a more formal/scientific point of view had been used, the audience may have lost interest in the article and stopped reading it or threw it out after the first sentence. 


Another rhetorical difference that sets these articles apart is the way they are laid out. McClung and Wang’s article follows a stricter, scientific outline consisting of five typical parts: Introduction, Literature Review, Method, Results, and Discussion. Other than standard subcategories in each section, the article never strays from its topic and covers everything the audience could possibly need to know about the experiment. There are a few tables in the article that illustrate the results of the surveys, but other than that, the article is all words. Ouellet’s article takes a more laidback approach to organization, having categories, but putting in several subcategories, and categories within the subcategories. Unlike the psychology article, each part is a different length with a different amount of subcategories in it. If something needed to be explained further there was a subcategory such as “emotional responses” and “experiential responses” within the category, “Responses Linked to the Music”. The organization of Ouellet’s article is important to the discipline because through it’s unorthodox layout, it addresses every detail that it needs to in order to create a complete picture for its audience. Building on detail, Ouellet’s article uses several different types of ways to present information including tables and graphics.

The last rhetorical difference between the two articles is how the authors prove their hypothesis. McClung and Wang use the traditional system to prove their hypothesis. They start with an introduction with facts about their topic, then move onto some background research to give their reader a more detailed outline of their topic. After that, they spend the time explaining what their experiment will be, what their hypothesis (or hypotheses) is/are, and how they will conduct the experiment. Next, they explain how the experiment fared and what results it produced. Lastly, they conclude with a discussion of the experiment and what it proved and did not prove and what implications it had in their field of study. Taking this route to proving their hypothesis allows them to spend the most time on the experiment, so that they can prove their theories through trial rather than background research. In the sciences and social sciences, this tends to be a common theme, because its easier to prove something like feelings and emotions (as McClung and Wang do), rather than research lots of information on it. Ouellet uses a different way of proving his hypothesis that includes more background research that is detailed and credible, and then he proves his research through experimentation. He begins with a different kind of introduction that is aimed more at hooking the audience into reading the article, using a lot of interesting facts, as someone might do with a business pitch. He goes on to explain lots of similar research that has been done on his topic, as well as research he’s done himself that he believes is essential for the audience to know in order to understand his experiment. He details this background research for a large portion of his article, before he goes into the actual experiment he conducted and the results it produced. Ouellet uses this approach in his article because his experiment is so detailed that his audience may not understand it without the extensive background research. He also uses this approach because the background research goes hand and hand with the implications of the research, as it allows his audience to contemplate if any of the previous research mentioned in the background research section could be used to supplement his experiment and the results he concluded. 


While both of these articles have different rhetorical styles, it is important that they both be read and regarded together, as the research done by both disciplines could compliment each other in finding a solution for the hypotheses that weren’t proved. Marketing and psychology are quite different disciplines, but a lot of the themes in each of these articles overlaps with the other one. A common theme between the two is the problem of why people illegally download and what motivates them to do it. Both articles look at this problem in different ways, but they end up using each other’s disciplines to try to explain it. McClung and Wang’s article addresses the lack of guilt people feel towards downloading music illegally and proposes that it might be because there aren’t enough marketing campaigns that discourage the act. Ouellet’s article addresses the factors that influence a person to purchase versus illegally download something through the way a person emotionally connects to a piece of music or what it reminds them of. This is only one example of each article using the other’s perspective to address a problem; there are several more examples in both articles. If these disciplines were to work together on either of their topics, they may find that each other’s research could greatly add to their own and perhaps solve some of the same issues each discipline is addressing.

Overall, both of these articles have vast rhetorical differences that allow their work to be properly read by both of their audiences. McClung and Wang’s use of formal language, third person, a more rigid outline, and more experimental knowledge to prove their hypothesis allows for their audience to understand their article in the correct manner. Ouellet’s use of simpler language, first person, a more relaxed and detailed layout, and more background research to prove its hypothesis allows for his audience to comprehend his article to the best of their ability. Even with these differences though, it is still important for the audiences of both disciplines to understand both articles, because it will give them a better knowledge on illegal music downloading as a whole and the implications it could have on both disciplines. 





Works Cited

Barna Research Group. "Fewer than 1 in 10 Teenagers Believe That Music Piracy Is Morally Wrong." Barna Group. N.p., 26 Apr. 2004. Web. <https://www.barna.org/barna-update/article/5-barna-update/139-fewer-than-1-in-10-teenagers-believe-that-music-piracy-is-morally-wrong#.VT1TxaZIBUQ>.

Ouellet, Jean-Francois. "The Purchase Versus Illegal Download of Music by Consumers: the Influence of Consumer Response Towards the Artist and Music." Canadian Journal of Administrative Sciences 24.2 (2007): 107-119. Web.

Wang, Xiao, and Steven R. McClung. "The Immorality of Illegal Downloading: the Role of Anticipated Guilt and General Emotions." Computers in Human Behavior 28.1 (2012): 153-159. Web.

A Rhetorical Analysis of "Are Eating Disorders Culture-Bound Syndromes? Implications for Conceptualizing Their Etiology" by P.K. Keel and "Eating Disorders" by Susan Nolen-Hoeksema


The subject of eating disorders is more than a question of “what,” but also “how” and “why.” Researchers have developed various reasonings in attempts to explain the basis of disorders such as anorexia and bulimia nervosa. An individual may compare him or herself to society's idea of the “perfect body.” I like to refer to this as “death by comparison.” Men and women are so praised for their physicality, that it is no surprise some will go to great extremes in an attempt to reach that same level of “perfection.” From a cultural studies perspective, one may see this as a primary factor in the development of eating disorders. Putting the blame on society, it could be assumed that the perceived perception of what the “perfect body” is can be blamed for many cases of eating disorders faced today. On the contrary, a psychologist may believe that the source of an eating disorder originates internally. Brain structure, genetics, and additional neurological factors contribute to a higher susceptibility for an individual to develop an eating disorder. In regards to establishing a specific etiology to the eating disorder of an individual, psychologists believe that biological and cognitive factors must also be taken into consideration. An article entitled Are Eating Disorders Culture-Bound Syndromes? Implications for Conceptualizing Their Etiology analyzes eating disorders through a cultural perspective. The author of this article incorporates information about cultural standards of weight (also known as the “thin ideal”), first person point of views of individuals suffering from eating disorders, and statistics drawn from empirical data and cross-sectional studies. Additionally, the author assesses cultural factors such as ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, social status, and cultural norms, and analyzes meaningful artifacts of culture. On the other hand, an article entitled “Eating Disorders” by Susan Nolen-Hoeksema presents a very different perspective on the subject. This particular article analyzes eating disorders through the psychological perspective. The author of this article includes biological and cognitive factors associated with and contributing to the development of eating disorders. The article is written in a non-bias, third person point of view, and emphasizes the use of psychoanalysis to determine the origin of the disorder at hand. Contrasting from Are Eating Disorders Culture-Bound Syndromes?, this article focuses upon concrete, scientific data and internal influences of the individual in question, and how these aspects provoke particular thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. While both concentrations provide valid, plausible explanations, those in the field of cultural studies versus those in the field of psychology bear very contrasting reasoning regarding the development of eating disorders.

A cultural studies researcher would focus upon the ways in which “external forces” play a role in the development of eating disorders. In today`s society, abnormally thin models are plastered all over television, magazines, and billboards. Weight loss supplements and the newest, “most effective” exercise equipment are advertised constantly. It has become nearly impossible to escape implications of weight loss or attaining a “perfect body.” With this being said, a cultural researcher would push individuals to view eating disorders as a cultural issue; caused by societal standards and expectations of looking a particular way. This approach is evident throughout Are Eating Disorders Culture-Bound Syndromes? This particular article emphasizes that although anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa are two different eating disorders, both disorders revolve around the same objective: to lose weight. It is no secret that most people who want to lose weight want to do so in order to feel better about themselves. Yet, have we ever considered why being thinner provides a sense of satisfaction and pride? Why is it that we as humans cannot be content with the body that we were given? Cultural studies researchers would put the blame upon society. It is society that is constantly subjecting us to what is “beautiful” or “ideal” in regards to appearance. Some are capable of looking past society`s standards and being comfortable in their own skin. However, there are a plethora of individuals out there that cannot help but be dissatisfied that they do not match up to societal standards. Some will do anything to meet these standards, even if that includes a highly restrictive diet or means of purging. If these actions are persistent, the development of an eating disorder can be expected. According to Are Eating Disorders Culture-Bound Syndromes?, since the mid-twentieth century, the “ideal shape” for women has been portrayed as thinner and thinner (Keel & Klump, 2003). Models on the covers of magazines, beauty pageant contestants, and even Barbie dolls have all become representations of what we believe women should look like. The Psychological Bulletin claims that women who focus upon the media promoted “thin ideal” are more likely to develop an eating disorder. The social pressure to be thin has become even more prevalent on reality television. Cosmetic surgery programs such as Botched present individuals willing to pay hundreds of thousands of dollars in order achieve perfection. From liposuction to inserting artificial abdominal muscles, viewers are being exposed to what the ideal appearance of a human being is assumed to be. If men and women are willing enough to pay all this money to appear thinner, just imagine how much more tempting it may be to partake in eating disorder behaviors free of cost. Furthermore, television shows such as The Biggest Loser promote rapid weight loss through excessive exercise and starvation. Televised beauty pageants such as Miss America or Miss Universe literally reward women for being the “most beautiful,” partially determined through swimsuit competitions; judging the physique of the contestant. A study by the British Journal of Psychiatry concluded that individuals with an increased exposure to television, Internet access, and other forms of media were more likely to be reinforced with the “thin ideal;” dramatically increasing their risk of developing an eating disorder. It is not unusual for us as human beings to follow cultural norms, and to pursue the criterion we believe is necessary in order to endure within our environment. Unfortunately, through the use of media, society has established being thin as the norm we should be attaining. In an extreme effort to achieve this measure, eating disorder behaviors have become a common technique. For this reason, the media and current societal perception of thin as “beauty” can be to blame in the development of eating disorders from the cultural studies perspective; as stressed within Are Eating Disorders Culture-Bound Syndromes?

The impact of societal standards of weight can be further explained by the incremental theory. The incremental theory states that people believe they are “malleable,” and therefore “aspects of their self can be modified” (Arciszewski, 2012, p. 335). As people begin to frequently see a particular body physicality throughout the media, it becomes “implicitly presented as a norm” that they feel they should attain. Although the bodies of most models, celebrities, etc. are unrealistic and unattainable, the incremental theory explains that individuals continue to believe that they can achieve body weights as impractical as these; increasingly the likelihood of developing an eating disorder.

Contrasting from the cultural studies perspective, a psychologist would take cognitive and biological data into consideration when interpreting the development of eating disorders. From the psychological perspective, particular attributes, both cognitive and biological, of the individual make him/her more or less prone to develop an eating disorder. A psychologist would examine how these attributes influence thoughts, feelings, and behaviors associated with eating disorders. This approach is evident throughout the article “Eating Disorders.” The author of the article, Susan Nolen-Hoeksema emphasizes that anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, or any other eating disorder are no different than any other psychological disorder; in that a genetic predisposition to these disorders is possible. In fact, a study of over 30,000 twins discovered a 56% heritability rate for anorexia nervosa (Bulik et al., 2006). Bodily systems and areas of the brain that “regulate appetite, hunger, satiety, initiation of eating, and cessation of eating” play a vital role in the development of eating disorders; primarily the hypothalamus (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2014, p. 350). The principal role of the hypothalamus is to regulate eating. Messages about food consumption and nutrient levels are sent to this part of the brain, signaling the body to stop eating once nutritional needs are satisfied. Carrying these messages to the brain would be impossible without the help of neurotransmitters such as dopamine, norepinephrine, and serotonin. An imbalance in any of these neurochemicals or functional issues of the hypothalamus could lead to difficulties in eating regulation; ultimately evoking an eating disorder. An imbalance of these vital neurochemicals or complications within the hypothalamus could cause the individual to have “trouble detecting hunger accurately or to stop eating when full,” both being common tendencies of people with eating disorders (351). Individuals with anorexia nervosa have been found to have lower levels of hypothalamus activity, and higher levels of serotonin and dopamine. Individuals with bulimia nervosa tend to have a dysregulation of serotonin. This dysregulation could cause the body to crave carbohydrates, leading to the episodes of binge eating experienced with bulimia nervosa. Prior to the binge, bulimics will feel guilt or fear of gaining weight, and then “get rid of” the recently consumed calories by means of purging (Attia & Walsh, 2007; Keet, 2012). Similarly, the frontal lobe has been associated with high levels of impulsivity. An increased level of impulsivity can often be a factor in eating-disorder behaviors such as restricting diets or purging (Polivy & Herman, 2002, p. 190). A psychologist could argue that biological irregularities such as imbalances of neurochemicals or functional issues within the hypothalamus or frontal lobe are leading factors in the development of eating disorders. The abnormalities of either of these features could make assessing fullness, hunger, and cravings troublesome; all being difficulties faced by individuals with eating disorders. Cognitive factors such as low self-esteem and an excessive need to achieve perfectionism have also been linked to the development of eating disorders. Individuals cognitively inclined to either of these conditions tend to engage in drastic measures, including dieting and purging, in order to control their weight (354). Individuals suffering eating disorders tend to possess specific personality traits. Structural and functional abnormalities play a role in the prevalence of these traits. People with eating disorders are commonly “people pleasers,” and highly concerned with the opinions of others; making them more likely to give in to the social pressures of being thin (Fairburn, 2008). With this being said, a psychologist could argue against the cultural studies perspective stating that cognitive abnormalities must be present in order for the individual to develop an eating disorder as a result of exposure to the “thin ideal” within the media. People with eating disorders also tend to speculate everything as good or bad. For instance, if they eat a couple of potato chips, they believe their diet has been corrupted as if they have eaten the entire bag. According to Cognitive Vulnerability to Emotional Disorders, individuals with eating disorders “obsess over their eating routines and plan their days around these routines, down to the smallest detail.” Eating-disorder behaviors can also be coping mechanisms for dealing with distressing emotions. The individual may be too distracted by their emotions to even care to eat, or begin to binge due to stress, feel guilty about the binge, and then purge. Therefore, individuals with depressive-like symptoms are at risk for developing an eating disorder (Bulik, 2005). A study by Health Psychology found that individuals who engaged in “emotional eating” in order to relieve distress were considerably more likely to develop an eating disorder over time. Clearly psychological researchers, such as Susan Nolen-Hoeksema, believe that individual traits such as these are not only commonly present within people with eating disorders, but affect the likelihood and severity of the disorder as well. 

The perspectives regarding the development of eating disorders contrast significantly between psychology and cultural studies; not limited to the contrasting perspectives present within Are Eating Disorders Culture-Bound Syndromes? Implications for Conceptualizing Their Etiology and “Eating Disorders.” The two perspectives are comparable to the question of “nature versus nurture.” Is the development of eating disorders a result of inherited and/or biological factors, or a product of environmental influences, such as the media? A cultural studies researcher would focus upon the ways in which “external forces” (society, cultural norms, etc.) play a role in the development of eating disorders; utilizing empirical data and cross-sectional studies; as done in the article Are Eating Disorders Culture-Bound Syndromes?. A cultural researcher would push individuals to view eating disorders as a cultural issue; caused by societal standards and expectations of looking a particular way. Contrastingly, a psychologist would concentrate on the examination of biological and cognitive factors pertaining to each individual, and discover the psychological reasoning behind the eating disorder of the particular person suffering; utilizing scientific data and concrete facts pertaining to the condition of the brain, and how the condition affects the individual; as done in the article “Eating Disorders”. Basically, psychologists are more concerned with how characteristics of the individual affect their own self, while cultural researchers are concerned with how the individual is affected by factors outside of their own self. Regardless of the differing perceptions, both concentrations can surely agree that development of eating disorders are a significant issue in today`s society.

Works Cited
Abramson, L.Y., Bardone-Cone, A.M., Vohs, K.D., Joiner, T.E., Jr., & Heatherton, T.F. (2006). Cognitive vulnerability to bulimia. Cognitive Vulnerability to Emotional Disorders, 329-364.
Arciszewski, T. (2012). Threat of the thin-ideal body image and body malleability beliefs: Effects on body image self-discrepancies and behavioral intentions. Body Image, 9(3), 334-341.
Attia, E. & Walsh, B.T. (2007). Anorexia nervosa. American Journal of Psychiatry, 164, 1805-1810.
Becker, A.E., Fay, K.E., Agnew-Blais, J., Kahn, A.N., Striegel-Moore, R.H., & Gilman, S.E. (2011) Social network media exposure and adolescent eating pathology in Fiji. British Journal of Psychiatry, 198, 43-50.
Bulik, C.M. (2005). Exploring the gene-environment nexus in eating disorders. Journal of Psychiatry and Neuroscience, 30, 335-339.
Bulik, C.M., Sullivan, P.F., & Kendler, K.S. (2003). Genetic and environmental contributions to obesity and binge eating. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 33, 293-298.
Fairburn, C.G. (2008). Clinical perfectionism, core low self-esteem and interpersonal problems. Cognitive Behavior Therapy and Eating Disorders, 197-220.
Keel, P.K. (2012). Empirical classification of eating disorders. Annual Review of Clinical Psychology, 8, 381-404.
Keel, P.K. & Klump, K.L. (2003). Are eating disorders culture-bound syndromes? Implications for conceptualizing their etiology. Psychological Bulletin, 129, 747-769.
Nolen-Hoeksema, S. "Eating Disorders." Abnormal Psychology. New York, NY: McGraw- Hill Education, 2014. 339-355. Print.
Polivy, J., & Herman, P. C. (2002). Causes of eating disorders. Annual Review of Psychology, 53, 187-213.
Stice, E. (2002) Risk and maintenance factors for eating pathology: A meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin, 128, 825-848.
Stice, E., Presnell, K., & Spangler, D. (2002). Risk factors for binge eating onset in adolescent girls: A 2-year prospective investigation. Health Psychology, 21, 131-138.

Friday, April 24, 2015

Podcast

Howell, Jennifer L., Sarah E. Gaither, and Kate A. Ratliff. "Article Caught in the Middle: Defensive Responsesto IAT Feedback Among Whites, Blacks,and Biracial Black/Whites." (2014): N. pag. Web.

Bradt, Steve. 'One-Drop Rule' Persists (2010): N. pag. Web.

Rockquemore, Kerry A., and Tracey Laszloffy. Raising Biracial Children. Lanham, MD: Altamira Press, 2005.Harvard Educational Review. Web.

Melnick, Meredith. "Passing as Black: How Biracial Americans Choose Identity." TIME. N.p., 16 Dec. 2010. Web. 24 Mar. 2015.